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India's
Economy
Brian
Trumbore
President/Editor, StocksandNews.com
Gurcharan Das, the former CEO of Procter
& Gamble India, has an essay in the July/August issue
of Foreign Affairs that addresses India's economy.
While
most investors have been focusing on growth here just
in the past three or four years, India's economic
growth rate was 6 percent a year from 1980 to 2002
and since then it's running at about a 7.5 percent
clip. As a result, the middle class has quadrupled
to about 250 million, while India's economy is now
the 4th-largest in the world and will soon be third
after passing Japan.
[Note:
If you include the entire European Union as a single
bloc, then it's U.S., EU, China, Japan and India?otherwise,
it's U.S., China, Japan, India, Germany, United Kingdom,
France, Italy, Brazil and Russia as the complete top
ten. Source: CIA.gov]
However,
it hasn't always been this good. Between 1900 and
1950 (India achieved its independence in 1947), growth
was almost non-existent, just 0.8 percent a year.
Then from 1950 to 1980 it averaged 3.5 percent, though
due to exploding population growth, per capita income
was rising at a pace less than half of that.
As
Gurcharan Das notes, the three-decade period following
independence was known as "the Hindu rate of growth,"
which had nothing to do with Hinduism but rather everything
to do with the socialist policies of Prime Ministers
Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi, his daughter.
"Father
and daughter shackled the energies of the Indian people
under a mixed economy that combined the worst features
of capitalism and socialism. Their model was inward-looking
and import-substituting rather than outward-looking
and export- promoting, and it denied India a share
in the prosperity that a massive expansion in global
trade brought in the post-World War II era?.
"Nehru
set up an inefficient and monopolistic public sector,
over-regulated private enterprise with the most stringent
price and production controls in the world, and discouraged
foreign investment - thereby causing India to lose
out on the benefits of both foreign technology and
foreign competition. His approach also pampered organized
labor to the point of significantly lowering productivity
and ignored the education of India's children."
But
while Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi instituted major
economic reforms in the 1980s, changes that encouraged
development of the private sector, it wasn't until
1991 that the groundwork for today's success was laid
in the policies of the finance minister of that time,
Manmohan Singh, who is today's prime minister.
"(Singh)
lowered tariffs and other trade barriers?reduced tax
rates, devalued the rupee, opened India to foreign
investment, and rolled back currency controls."
Mr.
Das notes a rather startling statistic related to
how far India has come the past 25 years in particular.
"If
India's economy were still growing at the pre-1980
level, then its per capita income would reach present
U.S. levels only by 2250; but if it continues to grow
at the post-1980 average, it will reach that level
by 2066 - a gain of 184 years."
No
doubt, India's progress hasn't been without its problems.
There is still a bureaucracy to deal with, for example.
And as Das writes, India cannot take its accelerating
growth for granted.
"Public
debt is high, which discourages investment in needed
infrastructure?.And although India is successfully
generating high-end, capital- and knowledge-intensive
manufacturing, it has failed to create a broad-based,
labor-intensive industrial revolution - meaning that
gains in employment have not been commensurate with
overall growth. Its rural population, meanwhile, suffers
from the consequences of state-induced production
and distribution distortions in agriculture that result
in farmers' getting only 20 to 30 percent of the retail
price of fruits and vegetables (versus the 40 to 50
percent farmers in the United States get)."
One
sector that stands up well compared to China is banking.
According to Das, "Bad loans now account for less
than 2 percent of all loans (compared to 20 percent
in China), even though none of India's shoddy state-owned
banks has so far been privatized."
In
India, consumption accounts for 64 percent of the
economy (similar to the United States), versus just
42 for China. "That consumption might be a virtue
embarrasses many Indians, with their ascetic streak,"
writes Das, "but, as the economist Stephen Roach of
Morgan Stanley puts it, 'India's consumption-led approach
to growth may be better balanced than the resource
mobilization model of China.'"
One
negative, though, is in the aforementioned lack of
any real labor-intensive industrial growth, the kind
that can more readily transform the lives of the tens
of millions still living in poverty, particularly
in the rural areas. So while China has created all
manner of low-end manufacturing positions through
its export sector, many in India are wondering if
it can afford to essentially skip the industrial revolution
phase as it seemingly moves from an agricultural economy
right to a service oriented one. Das notes that "Economies
in the rest of the world evolved from agriculture
to industry to services."
"Economic
history teaches that the Industrial Revolution as
it was experienced by the West was usually led by
one industry. It was textile exports in the United
Kingdom, railways in the United States. India, too,
may have found the engine that could fuel its takeoff
and transform its economy: providing white- collar
services that are outsourced by companies in the rest
of the world. Software and business-process outsourcing
exports have grown from practically nothing to $20
billion and are expected to reach $35 billion by 2008."
High-tech
manufacturing should also continue to strengthen,
though as India's wages rise we are already beginning
to see a shift in some high-tech areas to other destinations
such as Eastern Europe. [This is my opinion, not necessarily
Gurcharan Das's.]
One
institution in India that continues to be a huge drain,
however, is the bureaucracy. Nehru touted it as a
"steel frame" that guaranteed stability and continuity
following British rule. But today's Indians "think
of bureaucrats as self-serving, obstructive, and corrupt,
protected by labor laws and lifetime contracts that
render them completely unaccountable."
Mr.
Das adds "The Indian bureaucracy is a haven of mental
power. It still attracts many of the brightest students
in the country, who are admitted on the basis of a
difficult exam."
But
the most damaging failure in India has to do with
public education, despite some of the stories we hear
in the U.S. on how India is churning out engineers.
[I've noted some counter- arguments in my "Week in
Review" column over the past year.]
Gurcharan
Das writes:
"Consider
one particularly telling statistic: according to a
recent study by Harvard University's Michael Kremer,
one out of four teachers in India's government elementary
schools is absent and one out of two present is not
teaching at any given time. Even as the famed Indian
Institutes of Technology have acquired a global reputation,
less than half of the children in fourth-level classes
in Mumbai can do first-level math. It has gotten so
bad that even poor Indians have begun to pull their
kids out of government schools and enroll them in
private schools, which charge $1 to $3 a month in
fees and which are spreading rapidly in slums and
villages across India."
While
private school teacher salaries are considerably lower
than public schools, the students perform far better.
But as you can imagine, when you have a sprawling
bureaucracy, the 'professionals' are not happy; i.e.,
in this instance the government is slamming the private
school network.
Gurcharan
Das:
"How
does one explain the discrepancy between the government's
supposed commitment to universal elementary education,
health care, and sanitation and the fact that more
and more people are embracing private solutions? One
answer is that the Indian bureaucratic and political
establishments are caught in a time warp, clinging
to the belief that the state and the civil service
must be relied on to meet people's needs. What they
did not anticipate is that politicians in India's
democracy would 'capture' the bureaucracy and use
the system to create jobs and revenue for friends
and supporters. The Indian state no longer generates
public goods. Instead, it creates private benefits
for those who control it."
Prime
Minister Singh and his "dream team of reformers" face
many challenges, including a resurgent Left that stands
against reform and for the status quo. Singh's big
challenge is to spread the wealth and ensure the rural
areas see the same kinds of improvements most of the
cities have witnessed.
And
as Gurcharan Das concludes:
"(Indians
will reach) greatness only when every Indian has access
to a good school, a working health clinic, and clean
drinking water. Fortunately, half of India's population
is under 25 years old. Based on current trends, India
should be able to absorb an increasing number of people
into its labor force. And it will not have to worry
about the problems of an aging population. This will
translate into what economists call a 'demographic
dividend,' which will help India reach a level of
prosperity at which, for the first time in its history,
a majority of its citizens will not have to worry
about basic needs. Yet India cannot take its golden
age of growth for granted. If it does not continue
down its path of reform?then a critical opportunity
will have been lost."
Wall
Street History will return next week.
Brian
Trumbore
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